My Life
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Eschewing a ghost-writer, Clinton personally poured his heart and mind about personal and potentially difficult subjects which former presidents (of all ideologies) shielded themselves from. Choosing the less-utilized "open disclosure" route is a refreshing contribution to American public policymaking. It is also one which more public officials should follow.
Rather than seeing diversity as an election strategy, Clinton genuinely appreciates social justice movements which attempt to make the world radically different from his Arkansas boyhood. In the television era's early days, then-Governor Orval Fabus tried to maintain segregation `standing in front of the schoolhouse door' to Little Rock's Central High School (pp. 38-39) Undoubtedly this incident's horror (and fears that all southerners were presumed to agree with Faubus) helped solidify determination to pursue a radically contrasting racial public policy legacy (pp. 559-560). In turn, Clinton's early decision explains why I and many other people love him today.
Repeatedly, Clinton draws upon his witness to the 1957 Little Rock action as one motivator for public service (the other of course is meeting President Kennedy at a D.C. Boys Town Summit). Because I am also growing up in a conservative southern town, I am comforted things do change; a young Republican who openly cheered during the announcement of President Kennedy's assassination later became a Democrat, social worker, and one of Clinton's biggest political supporters (p. 65). The bigger person recognizes when it is time to mend the oft-mentioned political fences. During his Arkansas Governorship Clinton demonstrated the nation only maximum potential when all demographics are empowered to participate in the American dream.
I also enjoyed reading personal family anecdotes---including those which are probably still painful to share with audiences. In fifth grade, he learned that people who rented out motels for long periods of time did abortions (p. 29) because the procedure was illegal in the state. He also describes the incidents where stepfather Roger beat the family---until young Bill grew big enough to fight back (pp. 45-51). The vivid descriptions provide both literary action and a solemn reminder the world is better because abortion is legalized, and domestic violence is no longer a `family affair'. As a child of divorce, I am also reassured that an American President went through several of the same experiences me and many of my friends experienced. When he talks about families, Clinton is personally aware there are many different types of families and the rightwing has never spoken for everybody (pp. 633-636)
As the first president to be in the delivery room during his child's birth (p. 273), Clinton brought unprecedented sensitivity to the Oval Office. Because the lives of American voters are more egalitarian, this empathy is a definite asset in the post-cold war era From his own personal experiences, Clinton easily understands that good and strong families come in all compositions (pp. 426-427). I was also intrigued to learn that Clinton did not personally/politically have a problem with Hillary's last name (p. 296). Finally, "women's issues" like the Equal Rights Amendment (p. 257) stand on their own merit as something which is genuinely important to HIM.
Certainly people have to take self-initiative for their private life, but Clinton's centrist Democratic theory (dating from Robert F. Kennedy's 1968 presidential campaign) says that government is still obligated to ensure the people trying to help themselves and their communities can actually do so (p. 122). This approach explains why he signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 ---overhauling the depression-era welfare system, while also rejecting the complete dismantlement passionately championed by Republican opponents. Aware that welfare payments had varied by state and women were not getting rich anywhere, Clinton also knew the current system had intentionally built-in incentives for women to stay at home instead of work. Welfare was initially developed so low-income women would not `deviate from `traditional' homemaker roles and could also stay at home with their children like many other women of the time. Clinton purposefully attempted to allocate enough money and resources for childcare so low-income women would not find themselves in a horrid catch-22 situation of wanting to work but not being able to find affordable, safe, and reliable daycare for their children (pp. 720-721).
Before entering elected office, Clinton taught college classes at the University of Arkansas and the professorial enthusiasm (pp. 204-205) required for that task is especially obvious today as the lessons he taught to and learned from the students are recalled. I can easily imagine myself as a student in the class while he is racing up and down the auditorium steps exhorting us to become even more involved in the larger world (p. 203). Because they cannot realistically be confined to a classroom, such individuals were predestined to have a tremendous impact on the larger world.
By showing a less serious side of the Clintons which is not always discernable from the media, the enclosed photos reinforce this aforementioned environment. Conceding that his personal actions damaged the family (p. 800, p. 811), he avoids a holier-than-thou attitude which ruined many other political careers. Clinton succeeds at the American Dream because he already knows and easily accepts his imperfection. He is so personable that even when I disagreed with Clinton's policies, myself and others always knew that he would not attack dissenters on trumped up charges. Instead, Clinton's enduring personal patience (he appears far more patient than he has given himself credit for) and boundless optimism for the nation consistently shine throughout this book. By nature, genuine sentiment cannot be slick.
This book is a mandatory purchase for the Clinton fan---or anybody preferring a time when the United States president was respected for unflagging civility in the face of adversarial circumstances that had grounding lesser politicians from all levels of government. Unfortunately, like Hillary's autobiography (2002), the author's relative chronological youth in relation to his numerous public accomplishments means that another edition or volume will eventually be required for adequately chronicling all of the national/international contributions. Even at 957 pages, fitting all important information into one volume is impossible. I look forward to purchasing future editions of this biography.
In the two years since terrorists attacked US President Bush has liberated two countries,crushed the Taliban,crippled al-Qaida,put nuclear inspectors in Libya, Iran and North Korea without firing a shot, and captured a terrorist who slaughtered 300,000 of his own people.
Intellectually dishonest Democrats like Clinton are complaining
about how long the war is taking, but...
It took less time to take Iraq than it took Janet Reno to burn alive all the children in the Branch Davidian compound in Clinton's efforts to "protect" them.
That was a 51 day operation.
We've been looking for evidence of chemical weapons in Iraq for less time than it took Hillary Clinton to find her Rose Law Firm billing records.
It took less time for the 3rd Infantry Division and the Marines to destroy the Medina Republican Guard than it took Ted Kennedy
to call the police after his Oldsmobile sank at Chappaquiddick, drowning his pregnant girlfriend Mary Jo.
Our current Commander-In-Chief is doing a GREAT JOB compared to th eprior occupant and his obsession with prolonging partial birth abortion and demonstrating that abuse of power is applauded when practiced by a Marxist!
The Military moral is high unlike during the days of rapist Bill!
The biased Leftist media hopes we are too ignorant to
realize the facts.It's a sad and sick debate for anyone who experienced the euphoria and hope that accompanied the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Unfortunately, it is also a perfectly predictable debate for anyone who witnessed the disastrous consequences of the Clinton-Gore policies in the former Soviet Union during the 1990s.
It is difficult to fault Russia for seeking the lifeline that the former Chekists offered her in the person of Vladimir Putin.
The West and many of its 'contacts and allies' within the former Soviet Union conducted themselves with a arrogance and greed seldom seen in the annals of history. One might compare it to the how the Red Directors and other party apparatchiks ran the old Soviet economy, but one almost has to go back to corporate America in the 1990s operated under the watchful eye of Clinton- Gore to get a real sense of the sheer audacity and vileness of the main characters.
The Chekists offered a reservoir of intelligent and talented individuals capable of leading Russia into a new era. They also had some skeletons in their collective past, which they needed to confront and deal with and the stubborn refusal to do so is on par with Bill Clinton's refusal to admit that he raped Juanita Broderick and that he is the cause of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The failure to open the archives represents a moment in the Cold War as significant as the fall of the Berlin Wall. In effect, millions of people around the world remained locked up behind the walls of Lubyanka.
Cracks have appeared through the years in Lubyanka's walls, with the opening of some of the Communist Party files and the Stasi files, along with the release of Venona Tapes and the Mitrokhin archives. Somewhere inside the Kremlin on September 11, 2002, Russian President, and former Chekist, Vladimir Putin was probably raising a glass of fine Sovetski Champanskii to mark the 125th birthday of Felix Dzerzhinsky ( along with Bill and Hillary.)
Dzerzhinsky was the founder of the Cheka. The Cheka was the precursor of the KGB and today's FSB and SVR, the main Russian government agencies responsible for domestic and foreign intelligence and Russian State security.Bill Clinton's wife, Hillary, wanted to create a sytem modeled after this during the Clinton years. Dzerzhinsky's and the Cheka's core legacy, despite 'heroic' attempts to romanticize and justify the monster that was created in 1918, was 10s of millions of dead Russians. The other non-Russian victims of the Chekists include millions of dead souls scattered across several continents over the course of the 20th century. Clinton reveals little actual truth in his book. Clinton fails to shed any light on why he created such geopolitical horror; why he raped Juanita Broderick and attacked the grieving Kathleen Willey; why he refused to pardon profoundly retarded Ricky Ray Rector and yet took millions from Mark Rich (and various drug lords) for their pardons. The Reagan "An American Life" Autobiography was so revealing and stands in stark contrast to this "Mien Kampf" for Leftists . Clintons book would be welcomed ONLY in a latrine needing toilet paper.Mona Charen's "USEFUL IDIOTS" exposese the TRUTH about Clinton and his supporters- It is a fitting epitaph to a liar, coward and socialist who wrecked a generation.
I decided to read this book, not because I ever consider myself a fan of Bill Clinton, but because I felt open to trying to understand the man behind an 8 year Presidency. I discovered in the process that the man represented by the media is at best incomplete. I also discovered that for all Clinton's faults he managed to serve our nation with strength and a relentless pursuit towards a more global America. For this I have developed a respect where there once was none. I am more aware now of the spins placed on the presidency by our media and by all of the jealous few who do not have the backbone to sit in the seat at the highest pinnacle while being in constant judgment by the entire world. It appears easy from the couch I imagine but it is much different in reality. Clinton has written an insightful account of what it must be like to exist on the top when everyone is bent on bringing you down. His presidency was so much more than "girlygate" and his contributions to our society should be admired and respected whether or not we follow his beliefs. For democracy to exist we must be willing to change our minds when necessary, to allow for expansion and growth as individuals and as human beings existing in a world much bigger than ourselves. This book provides the opportunity for those willing to get beyond the stigmas and prejudices that cause our nation such grief.
The best part of "My Life" in my opinion is Clinton's early years. Clinton writes about how he emerged from a normal childhood into greatness. He learned lessons along the way that formed his democratic convictions and enlightened him to the injustices of poverty, racism and prejudices. I found myself relating to him almost toe to toe in his early years and realized one of the reasons he succeeded where others like him have failed, is because he never had to hear the word "can't." Although he was surrounded in Southern prejudices and felt hatred and despair he was able to move beyond the grips of failing. So many people become traumatized when faced with the same circumstances that they end up fading away into oblivion rather than finding a way to make a difference, for this alone I applaud Clinton for his ability to fight life's adversities and maintain compassion in a damaged heart.
I found myself absolutely enthralled with Clinton's relationships with leaders from other nations. He encouraged a true global perspective on how a world ought to be run and tried his best to find happy meeting grounds to all of those he encountered. In 8 years Clinton never fell to the power trip of taking America into war. He utilized our forces when necessary, made his point and got out without many enemies internationally. He formed friendships and powerful political ties with Rabin, Arafat, Chirac, Yeltsin, Kohl, King Hussein, Obuchi, Zemin, Mandela and many other noteworthy international leaders. His efforts in North Korea, Bosnia, Israel, Russia, Northern Ireland and China led to peaceful agreements and solutions on the verge of occurrence. Clinton braved visits to Palestinian refugee camps with Arafat, North Korea, Pakistan during an uprising, China, and war-torn Bosnia. He admits his failures in Africa, specifically Rwanda and mentions that going forward his focus will remain on establishing better living conditions in that continent. But the most profound statement that I came across in this book was Clinton's idea that terrorism can be controlled through education, nutrition and better living conditions in poverty stricken countries because terrorism stopped in childhood is a better defense than igniting more hate. I wish more leaders conformed to this philosophy!
While I still believe Clinton caused some of his own problems I also see how he was relentlessly pursued to fail by the likes of Gingrich, Dole and Kenneth Starr. I remember being one of the bandwagon members during his investigations fully believing all of the stories I was being told by the media. Now that I see the other side of such sensationalized stories I can better appreciate Clinton's strength of character. He ran our country successfully where many lesser men would have failed under similar circumstances. For that he needs to be given credit. As for his apparent weaknesses towards women, whether it be right or wrong, it is merely a downfall of thousands of powerful men, imagine Jefferson and his slave Sally pursued by the media today! Men will be men. But what really makes a man is a willingness to admit failure and Clinton clearly does just that in many paragraphs throughout this book.
In my opinion this book fails in only one regard: it really needed a better editor. Clinton rambles on and on about seemingly each and every person he ever met in his entire life. Some statements are simply unimportant and should have been omitted entirely. Others could have been elaborated upon. It also would have been nice to have full chapters devoted to one international issue rather than reading bit parts here and there all through the book. It becomes confusing if you are not a master of international history and all of its components.
I believe this book is well worth the read regardless of your political views. It is historical, candid, interesting and at points even emotionally profound. Whether or not you like Clinton as a leader as a person he is worthy of respect and someone who continues to represent our nation internationally and in good faith. Going forward his focus will be on "overcoming poverty, ignorance, disease and bad government" as a way to end all of the hatred than stems from ignoring the true cause of terrorism. Clinton writes that through virtues such as hope, faith and love our world may no longer have to "see through a glass darkly." My Life will inspire you towards a richer involvement in American politics, a desire to serve rather than complain and encourage you to be active in this great big world despite all of its problems. Bravo, Mr. Clinton!