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Book Summary InformationAuthor: Christopher Hitchens Edition: Paperback Audio: English (Unknown); English (Original Language); English (Published) Published: 2003-09-11 ISBN: 0465030505 Number of pages: 224 Publisher: Basic Books
Book Reviews of Why Orwell MattersBook Review: Dedicated to the UFAB (United front Against Bullsh-t) Summary: 5 Stars
This is Hitchens at his Etonian best, in the act of "tracking-down" and then "taking down" a "peg or two" a fellow iconoclast-mate. This portrait of one of my heroes, George Orwell, is unflatteringly brutal in its honesty, but is also rich and delicious (as everything that Hitchens writes, is). Orwell as seen here is a reluctant and premature anti-fascist, anti-racist, anti-Communist, anti-Colonialist, anti-homosexual, and most of all, one of the reluctant founding members of the UFAB (the United front against bullsh-t). And yet, because he adhered to the higher principles in his head, is above and beyond the politics of which he so eloquently wrote.
The picture one gets here of Orwell is that of a taciturn, diffident, nervous, conflicted dissident intellectual, who knows, but still can't quite get a grip on what is either bothering or motivating him. He somehow backed into writing, which then became a de facto survival tool of last resort, allowing him to eventually bootstrap his way across an often disordered, booby-trapped and always contradictory social and political terrain. It helped him lurch from one walled-off and forbidden unopened door of his life to the next - doors which when opened, kept him aware enough just long enough to reach the next unopened door and eventually out into a more open and evolved vista of his life.
Yet, in the grand tradition of other leftist literary activists (or is it rightists?) heroes of his era, Orwell too learned by doing: He was a Colonial Policeman in Burma; one of the first colonial officials to "go native;" was wounded in the Spanish Civil war (almost a right of passage for left-leaning iconoclasts); a mover-and-shaker at the BBC (at a time when "being one" really meant something); and turned against Stalinism and Communism long before most of his erstwhile revolutionary compatriots did so.
What Hitchens makes so eminently clear here is that George Orwell was nothing if not a complex "political man," cannot be easily "pigeon-holed or but in the conventional left-right ideological boxes, and became more so as he evolved. So a more balanced view of his life and accomplishments was sorely needed to fully appreciate the man, his times and his writings. As the author notes so eloquently early on: Orwell's importance to us derives from the extraordinary salience of the subjects he took on, and never abandoned. As a consequence, the word "Orwellian" has come to imply crushing tyranny and fear and conformism; and alternatively, it describes and recognizes the unquenchable human resistance to the same tyranny, fear and conformism.
Of the four great scourges of the twentieth century imperialism, fascism, Stalinism and racism, Orwell engaged in hand-to-hand combat with them all.
On Imperialism:
He hated imperialism because he understood how it dehumanized both the imperialist and his subjects. And as he saw it, although imperialism had a "coarsening" effect on the strong, it had an even more dehumanizing effect on the weak: the will to command was not nearly as corrupting as the will to obey. But most of the corrosive effects occurred inside the heads of the powerful: "The secret of the colonist's inner revolt, poisons him like a secret disease. Ones whole life becomes a pack of lies. " He detested imperialism all the more so because it also happened to be his family's meal ticket. But more importantly, Orwell saw Imperialism for what it was: a deliberate form of underdevelopment in which the colony is fleeced of its natural resources and the fruits of its labor, in order to support the lavish lifestyles and the industrial progress of the colonials and their empire building projects.
On Fascism:
Orwell was slow in coming to realize the hidden dangers of fascism because he took it for granted as just an extreme form of class rule, expressed (rather paradoxically) through a socialist ideology. He was of course correct in this belief.
On Racism:
Orwell saw it as an invention that became a way of pushing exploitation beyond the point that is normally possible, by pretending that the exploited are not human beings. Nearly all aristocracies have depended on exaggerating the differences between the races: Normans ruled over the Saxons, German over Slav, Englishman over Irishman, white man over black man. Even Russian aristocrats believed that their serfs were a lower order of being -- with their bones being black. It is much easier for the aristocrat to be ruthless if he imagines that the serf is different from himself in blood and bone: Hence the tendency to exaggerate race-differences, the rubbish about shapes of skulls, color of eyes, blood-counts, IQ deficits, etc. In Burma, Orwell said that he had listened to racial theories which were less brutal than Hitler's theories about Jews, but certainly not less idiotic.
On Stalinism:
As his two most famous works (1984 and Animal Farm) reveal, Orwell felt betrayed by the Communist Revolution more generally, and by the Stalinist aspects of it, in particular. Tucked away behind drunkards and pigs, are the major issues that animated Orwell throughout his struggle with politics: that although totalitarianism describes a certain kind of repressive control that is inherent in any society or community, which are themselves totalities, room must be left for the mind to breathe, to remain alive. To belong to a community is to be a part of a whole and thus is to be subjected to its disciplines and tribal rules. In other words, one must live inside the belly of the whale even when the rules of conformity stifle individual freedoms in the name of the "greater communal good." However, when the mind can no longer breathe, the revolution has violated a sacred trust and Orwell felt that Communism more generally, and Stalin in particular, betrayed this inherent spirit of community and therefore violated the sacred trust of the revolution. The spirit and meaning of the revolution was vulgarized through ruthlessness and wanton brutality.
Ten Stars
Summary of Why Orwell MattersIn this widely acclaimed biographical essay, Christopher Hitchens assesses the life, the achievements, and the myth of the great political writer and participant George Orwell. In true emulative and contrarian style, Hitchens is both admiring and aggressive, sympathetic yet critical, taking true measure of his subject as hero and problem. Answering both the detractors and the false claimants, Hitchens tears down the façade of sainthood erected by the hagiographers and rebuts the critics point by point. He examines Orwell and his perspectives on fascism, empire, feminism, and Englishness, as well as his outlook on America, a country and culture towards which he exhibited much ambivalence. Whether thinking about empires or dictators, race or class, nationalism or popular culture, Orwell's moral outlook remains indispensable in a world that has undergone vast changes in the fifty years since his death. Combining the best of Hitchens's polemical punch and intellectual elegance in a tightly woven and subtle argument, this book addresses not only why Orwell matters today, but how he will continue to matter in a future, uncertain world.Christopher Hitchens, one of the most incisive minds of our own age, meets Orwell on the page in this provocative encounter of wit, contention and moral truth.
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